Terror: Robespierre and the French Revolution
This documentary-style talk examines Robespierre and the Jacobin Committee of Public Safety during the French Revolution's Terror (1793-94), exploring the link between revolutionary virtue and state violence. Multiple voices debate whether the Terror was a necessary product of existential military threat or an ideological pathology rooted in Rousseau's general will. Slavoj Žižek intervenes repeatedly to defend the Jacobin logic, arguing that radical emancipatory politics necessarily involves terror and that liberal critics who reject this are in bad faith. The talk traces the Terror's escalation from the Law of Suspects through the Law of 22 Prairial to Robespierre's fall on 9 Thermidor.
The ideas in it 12
in the order they first come up; click a row for what he does with the idea here
Stories he reaches for 4
Works invoked 1
People invoked 8
What it argues
Dialectical moves 8
Claims 12
Quotes 10
“virtue without terror is impotent. terror without virtue is blind. i accept this totally. i don't have any problem.”Slavoj Žižek · virtue-terror dialectic
“to say i want to stay out is violently to take sides. i will give you a shocking comparison. you know that mahatma gandhi... says in some of his writings the same thing. not taking sides is already taking sides.”Slavoj Žižek · neutrality as complicity
“we want beer without alcohol. we want chocolate without sugar. we want coffee without caffeine. we want the thing without the harsh element. and even in politics... war without war.”Slavoj Žižek · revolution without a revolution / late capitalist logic
“terror is an emanation of virtue. that is to say, in a radical situation of injustice, the only actual proof of love is to accept to fight, to accept the struggle.”Slavoj Žižek · terror as expression of love and virtue
“all authentic revolutionaries were always deeply suspicious about the final result... it's almost a kind of an oriental wisdom that the only satisfaction that we can get is the satisfaction of the struggle itself.”Slavoj Žižek · revolutionary anti-teleology / satisfaction in struggle
“he's not saying i am pure. he's saying maybe the process will swallow me. you know this usual motto, revolution eats its own children. robespierre was ready to accept this.”Slavoj Žižek · revolutionary self-sacrifice and heroism
“what i don't like in the critics of jacobinism is that on behalf of rejecting their so-called proto-totalitarian excesses, what lurks behind is for me this cynical liberal wisdom.”Slavoj Žižek · liberal bad faith in anti-Jacobinism
“if any of you now feels fear that his name... is afraid that his name is in my book, this already is a proof that he is a traitor. i claim there is a deep truth in it.”Slavoj Žižek · fear as index of guilt / political paranoia's inner logic
“this is the radical emancipatory logic which one should accept.”Slavoj Žižek · endorsement of Jacobin/emancipatory violence
“are people aware that practically, literally the whole of europe declared war on france? foreign powers effectively were deeply involved into helping counter-revolution at that time.”Slavoj Žižek · legitimacy of the Terror's military context
Transcript 283 turns
in the early hours of july 28, 1794, the leaders of the french republic's committee of public safety had gathered for one last time.
what's wrong?
their once colossal power evaporating with every minute.
under whose name?
for 12 months maximilien robespierre had ruled revolutionary france in the name of the people.
the convention has ceased to represent the people. we must sign in the
but now, in the name of the people, soldiers were on their way to seize him. his dictatorship was over.
do you think we should sign in the name of the people?
and he was about to become the final victim of his own bloody reign of terror. what happened next to robespierre is still not fully known. two shots were fired. and one hit him flush in the mouth. a badly wounded robespierre was ultimately finished off by the guillotine. but arguments about the man still rage. had his revolution created the modern world? or betrayed it.
it was really a system of loathsome paranoia which was responsible for the butchering of tens of thousands of perfectly innocent lives.
but wait a minute! in a liberal way, you know, liberals don't like people who are ready to sacrifice themselves for them, if you are too radical, you are already one step towards totalitarianism.
at stake is the status of robespierre as a founding father of state terror. the first in a line of modest men. with access to a higher truth. men who loved humanity so much. they felt entitled to exterminate the human beings who stood in its way. one year to the day before his grisly death. maximilien robespierre was appointed to the committee of public safety. the innocuous four words disguising the most awesome institution in revolutionary france. a provincial lawyer from arras. he'd been destined for a life of obscurity until 1789. when he was propelled into the storm center of the greatest event in history since the fall of the roman empire. the french revolution. the revolutionaries had challenged the might and arrogance of the french court in versailles. they'd executed their king. and created a republic. whose watchwords were liberty, equality, and the rights of man. a government whose sovereignty was based in the people. but the revolutionaries also dreamed of a new type of society. one where human nature might be born again. where men and women freed from tyranny and social custom could achieve moral perfection. no one believed in this republic of virtue more than robespierre himself. but in robespierre, the jacobin, the world got its first glimpse of a new type. a man who believed that the road to virtue lay not through persuasion. but through terror.
virtue without terror is impotent. terror without virtue is blind. no? i accept this totally. i don't have any problem. i don't have any problem. i mean i mean the crucial... point of every radical movement is to have terror through. virtue. in order to establish the fundamentals of democracy. you have to go through this zero level of jacobinism. you cannot say we could have done it in a much easier way.
have we learned nothing from the gulag? have we learned nothing from the third reich? it's unconscionable and horrifying in a name of intellectual fashion and a kind of patrician remoteness, you know, the sense in which, above all, it doesn't really matter if thousands and thousands of people are slaughtered as long as somehow bourgeois notions of liberal individual rights are overthrown.
the use of violence to perfect humanity. was the brainchild of the committee of public safety. in 1793, the unruly energies released by the revolution had been bottled up in this room. and it was here. in 12 murderous months. that the modern idea of state terror was born.
it's a moment in time when a society really does try and change itself without a model to fall back on, without a real sense of the edges of possibility and seeing how that can go very badly wrong. is of course an object lesson.
the men on the committee of public safety. who worked the levers of this powerful machine included lazar carnot. mathematician, engineer and natural born bureaucrat. his rival was the puritanical saint-just. whose astonishing maiden speech in the assembly had called for the execution of the king.
but take the liquor out of the convention hall and you'll get more rational debates. oops. i've also known crashing boars who swear allegiance to only lemonade.
a third member was the crippled lawyer georges couthon.
thank you, citizens. thank you.
on his very first day as deputy, couton had proposed the abolition of royalty. and before the revolution, he'd won a literary prize for an essay on patience.
come on! come on, put your backs into it!
another lawyer, herault de sechelles, was in some ways the committee's most surprising member. herault's godmother was marie antoinette.
do you have shortages of soap in paris as we have in nîmes? so i said to him, are you making a comment about the capital in general or just about me?
it was this group of men that robespierre joined on the 27th of july 1793.
honored citizens, salutations. yes, welcome to the queen's boudoir.
so this is where she powdered her cheeks. four
they are people who are absolutely consumed by the public work of pushing the revolution onwards. they really do come out of obscurity. these essentially obscure provincials, find themselves running a country, running a war effort, and in a sense sort of grow into that role. but also very clearly are always wrestling with the immensity of the task they've set themselves.
revolutionary france had declared war on its neighbours. but by 1793 the republic was fighting for its life. five imperial armies were massed on her borders, with the austrians in the north just three days' march from paris. each imperial army had promised to crush the regicides and annihilate the new republic. a ruinous economic blockade had reduced much of the country to famine, and civil war was simmering in the vendee and the south. there are those who say that the state terror that was about to unfold was not the result of an excess of idealism, but this incredible external dress. the committee member appointed to organise france's defence was lazar carnot.
there are some figures like lazzar carnot who are really bureaucrats who make sure that enough bread, enough flour, enough salt fish and so on gets to the soldiers who are in the field and they don't freeze their rear ends off in misery. i would...
begin with the state of affairs in unless of course, you wish to... no, no. please. why don't you... i would prefer to listen. very well. the army of the north. this was captured two days ago from the austrians just outside antwerp. it doesn't tell us anything we didn't already suspect. england has permanent designs on dunkirk and toulon. the duke of york would not reject the crown if it were offered. austria and prussia want to take bites out of ardennes and lorraine. and the dutch will be allowed. to nibble. some of the north. no one will be left out. they all want a piece of beautiful france. yes. even the little king of sardinia has dreams that he will one day place his fat ass in provence.
thank.
their plan is to dismember this country. we are not poland. this committee is not just a group of... futile students in warsaw. the french republic exists. it is a product of philosophy, but it is also a product of real events. and behind the idea is the sovereign people. 20 million frenchmen aching to enter the age of rousseau. very good. you're not short of speeches in the army. we are however short of nearly everything else the army of the north. has two million pounds of gunpowder it requires 30 million pounds of gunpowder. the army of the moselle is constantly short of bread. almost all the other armies are short of shot. cartridges, shoes. horses. and most importantly, copper. god made france beautiful, but he did not supply us with copper for our cannon. you will notice that we are in receipt of a small supply from hungary.
from between the legs of the habsburg emperor.
always count on our enemies to stab each other in the back.
most of our cannon. are forged from copper that is scavenged from our own barns. from french churches. from bells. from the altars. from icons. from
confessional boxes. cannons out of confessional boxes. i call that progress.
gunpowder. this committee must act now. to enforce a national search for saltpetre. every french citizen must scrape every attic every cellar and it must be made an act of patriotic duty. this can be but uh... real problem. a real supply problem. is with our generals. damn them. i cannot use a single cavalry regiment with confidence because i know royalists hide there. i cannot entirely trust a single battalion of infantry because i know an officer may take those men across the line to fight on the other side.
faith citizen, remember val. need
another another valmy, george. valmy was a patriotic sensation and very nearly a military catastrophe. 100,000 volunteers walking towards the sound of gunfire. i would take a. love al me citizens. what men who should have been at the harvest. men who would have been better employed repairing the roads so that artillery could get to the front. men who were told to march to the sound of gunfire, men who had never heard the sound of gunfire, and when they did, they were useless. not one single weapon the same, hundreds of different caliberibre, many men carrying scythes, pitchforks, to march against the king of austria. no chaos we do not need another valmay. these men only understood one command to march against the aristocrats that is a good command oh it is an excellent command morally citizen but it is no substitute for organization.
one forgets how good the late ancien regime was at mobilising resources. there are a lot of beady-eyed procurers of necessary stuff. those sort of people had a lot to be getting on with. they are kind of rather like you know, churchill's war cabinet. they're busy, busy, busy, busy. they're all about how to deliver gunshot and cannon and guns. and you can't really have a complete bloody looney sort of really calling the shots.
my god, if you read some of the attacks on robespierre, it would have seemed as if you know, they exerted a full dictatorship, just played this game, how can we kill more people? are people aware that practically, literally the whole of europe declared war on france? foreign powers effectively were deeply involved into helping counter-revolution at that time to say republic is in danger. it wasn't the stalinist excuse to kill another million of people and so on and so on.
robespierre in particular was always warning of the dangers of letting one man have too much military power. he looked back to classical antiquity and said, you know, look what happened with julius caesar, who crossed the rubicon and turned the army on rome. and this is something that might happen in france.
i was against this war, citizen connor. when every speech in the assembly was a drum and bugle speech i said war was a mistake that is ancient history. we will soon. water our horses by the thames. which shall turn london into a new carthage spring shall be brought to europe. jacobin clubs will open in berlin, in vienna, in warsaw. all were said in front of me to justify the war policy. yes. armies of slaves facing our army of free men would instantly lay down their weapons and plead with french bombardiers to remove their chains. we would have universal peace and liberty at the point of a french bayonet. fucked. we forgot to ensure our own liberty first. we entrusted it. king to fight a war of liberty and then we wondered at the betrayals. and now we must fight to defend ourselves. and citizen caro resides great organizational wisdom, i'm sure. copper. saltpeter. fodder for horses. good, good. these things should be organized on a national basis. i have spoken for such in the jacobins. but this war will be won here, not at the front. our liberty will be won here. and for that, we must produce. honest. government and build virtuous institutions. the founding of a republic is not child's play, nor is it the work of brutes, which is the same thing. wisdom as well as power presided at the creation of the universe. finished not quite, citizen carot. we complete this business. we do not parley with our enemies. as my friend saint-just said in the convention, we take from and send our enemies nothing but lead. and always, let us remember our enemies are also in france. they may not announce themselves for our convenience. many wear the red bonnet and cockade, but their mission is identical to that of the slave powers which surround us, to destroy the virtue of the french people. rousseau said the people want what is good, but they don't always see it. it is our job to see it for them and to act accordingly. isis citizens? isis. why not?
you have to ask yourself whether he was in the right place. was he a practical politician? he short. that. the language of virtue. was the only possible revolutionary discourse. he did not think that the language of pragmatism was the appropriate one. in which to discuss the revolution you can say... he was out of place there, that what he really was was a prophet.
more terrifyingly, according to his enemies, robespierre was a prophet armed with scripture. a scripture he was determined to enact in france regardless of the human cost. the scripture was the social contract by enlightenment philosopher jean-jacques rousseau. a work that was said to have hardly left robespierre's side. in it rousseau had argued that an increase in liberty would result in an increase in virtue. because it would bring man closer to his original exalted nature.
most of the revolutionaries are men of the enlightenment. they believe that human character is like a blank slate. people's character, people's identity is formed by the sense impressions which bombard them from the earliest period. in some ways, what's happening in the revolution is the extension of that principle from the individual to the society. the sense is that one can start again, one can bring people into a new regime and make new men of them.
another admirer. i do nothing to encourage it.
i think vertu translates badly into this rather prim english word. virtue. i think virtu meant strength, it meant honesty. it meant purity of intent. see. saint-just was already saying that it is a crime. to fail to hate the enemies of the revolution. so a very high standard. of engagement was being required here.
it's not a high standard. it's only a high standard if you want the world to. into tyranny. sandoux is he deeply intolerant person, as indeed is maximilien robespierre. the notion of power as schoolmasterliness, equipped not just with the right to cane you, but cut your head off. he does believe in an elite class, the guardians, who are the kind of mystical receiving antennae of sort of trembling ether coming down, you know, from the universal harmonies to tell us exactly. how we should be living our lives.
you should be clearer when you talk of happiness, max.
some people still confuse it with pleasure.
happiness. virtue. to robespierre. these were more than just vague aspirations. they were to be the permanent condition of the french citizens in the new republic.
the idea that happiness was a new idea in europe is something that many of the revolutionaries expressed. it was a philosophical idea that they took from the enlightenment and they attempted to put into practice. and they thought that they could legislate so that people would be happy in this world. poor were really the people who should be the powers of the earth.
the poor in 1793 were not the happy, wise peasants of rousseau's fond imagination. they were the sans-culotte of paris. the miserable urban poor. and to them happiness meant not virtue, but food. on september the 5th, the committee of public safety discovered the power of the sans-culotte for themselves.
it has begun.
quick. to notre dame, seek forgiveness. the world is coming to an end.
it was a day of a full solar eclipse when to the delight of enlightened men who could predict such cosmic events, the noonday skies over paris darkened.
it's one of those things that in earlier times would have sent everyone scurrying away superstitiously, but as far as we can tell, it occasions very little more than sort of amusement.
during the eclipse, arms sans-culotte invaded the national assembly and demanded action against their enemies, the farmers. who they accused of deliberately starving paris. their cry was to make terror the order of the day. and to appease them. their spokesman colot dubois was elected to the committee.
ha. s! ha. very good, hello. what's your next trick? damn. colot d'herbois is an actor and a playwright. a theatrical impresario, i suppose you would say, is someone who comes from the world of the theatre. as far as that radical leadership is concerned, they know best. they are the real representatives of the sans-culotte, who are the real patriots.
he's brought into the committee of public safety in september 1793, largely as a result of the sansulot calls for the jacins to step up the terror. so he's brought in as a man who will do this, who is prepared to do this.
i'm astonished by your predicament. you like flower? take it.
from the peasants. everyone now understands the penalties for hoarding. we have the power of deterrence. let me tell you about a peasant. you cannot threaten him with words.
he lacks the imagination.
even the peasant has heard of the guillotine. he won't believe in anything he cannot see.
oh, really? it's not heaven he believes in. it's his priest. and he sees his priest every day. and there you have your solution. remove the priest and appealed to his patriotism.
in cahors, the civil commissioners did the right thing. the poor of the district were invited to a civic dinner where they were waited on by the rich. when the time comes to cut the corn in cahor, all parties will cooperate.
you have no comprehension. revolution is not a course in ethics, cououthon. to get his wheat, he must slap a farmer across the mouth and point a musket at his wife. food must be hunted out of the barns with bayonets. that, my friend, is the most efficient method of agriculture we have. the people i represent. demand you take firmer measures than you have so far given them. this morning, on my way to the convention, i heard the slum children of saint- antoine singing a royalist song. why? who taught them? my people want the royalists caught and branded on the forehead. they want the aristocrats chained in groups of six and sent to the front lines to fight for the republic. that perhaps is not productive. but you should know the spirit is there. as it is against the aristocrats in this town
who hoard leather, grain. timber soap. cannot follow this. when he says aristocrats, does he mean merchants? say merchants we will understand you.
merchants, aristocrats, counter-revolutionaries, what does it matter? to most parisians, they are the same. we will ask the convention to pass a new law of suspects. local committees of patriots will have powers of arrest. those suspected of counter-revolution will have their papers removed. and will answer to those committees. suspicion is a superb thing. it is to liberty what jealousy is to love. more prisoners. to be processed through the interminable tribunals. terror is the order of the day. huh? or is it soak? place the suspects in houses that have been mined. touch for paper. the problem is closed.
itibly difficult to understand the psychology of many of these people and the terror. someone like collier, there's nothing in his character before 1789 which would lead one to believe. that he would do the sort of things that he did in 1793, 94. it brings out a sort of dramatic and violent part of them. which i think probably would have lain latent until they died.
kot's arrival on the committee resulted in the law of suspects. which created whole new categories of anti-revolutionary crime. a raised eyebrow during a patriotic speech. an outmoded form of address. to the secret policemen, such things could now indicate a dangerous sympathy for the aristocracy.
well, this is what terror is about. it's frightening people into
conformity. someone could be heard making a profane joke about committee of public safety in a tavern or something, and he could be... you know, lose his head a week later for being... an enemy to the patri.
pricking your eye with a pin so that you couldn't be one of those sent off to fight for france. producing sour wine with the intention of injuring the true patriots. declaring in public a fig for the nation.
the vast majority of people just sort of got in the way of some sort of bdi informers and most of these people, i cannot emphasize enough, are ordinary people, are washerwomen and cooks and ex-servants.
in the last week of september 1793, robespierre began to make the link between virtue and state terror more explicit.
i know that we cannot flatter ourselves that we have attained perfection. but maintaining a republic surrounded by enemies. fortifying reason in the name of liberty demands demands moral and physical strengths. physical strength.
he did so in a carefully worded speech to the conventions.
strengths that nature has perhaps denied to those who denounce us. the committee has a right to the hatred of kings and rogues. if you do not believe in its seal, then break that instrument. but first consider the circumstances you are in. those.
those are themselves denounced to the committee. those who accuse us are themselves being accused.
the speech. would contain a barely veiled threat to the men it was addressed to
those who accuse us. are themselves accused. let no one think my intention here is to answer one accusation with another. i am committed to never dividing patriots. but i do not count. as patriots those who wear the mask of patriotism
i will expose the conduct of two or three traitors who are the architects of discord and dissension here
what robespierre's speech made clear was that he had no concept of a loyal opposition. but was this because france was being invaded? or did it have deeper roots in rousseau's philosophical idea of the general will?
rousseau has this idea in his writings that if people reflect honestly on the best thing for society, they will all come to the same conclusion, which of course is a fantasy. but this is an idea that then becomes embodied in jacobin political practice.
the good thing about general will is that i simply think that there are! political situations of tension, popular enthusiasm, explosion and so on, where we are justified to say something is going on here, you know. where all interests represented, where something like general will constitutes itself. you cannot reproach them for that. and what i don't like in the critics of jacobinism is that on behalf of rejecting their so-called proto-totalitarian excesses, what lurks behind is for me this cyn cynical liberal wisdom you see. the lesson of jacobins is we should yes talk about equality and so on, but secretly we should be aware it doesn't really work.
if
there were politicians who were not in any way cynical or with this ironic wisdom and so on it the jacobins.
maybe we need this today. but what that also means is that people who dissent from those decisions put themselves outside the body politic, put themselves subject to prescription in various ways. the idea that these people cannot be allowed to disagree with what is taken to be the right course of action, the general will, embodied in the convention, the committee of public safety. and ultimately in robespierre himself.
so thank you very much all for attending this morning. as you know,
in october 1793, the committee decided to assault the concept of time itself. a new calendar was created to mark the fact that french men and women had been reborn through the revolution.
as you can imagine, we have spent a great deal of.
the new age, uncontaminated by the old, needed new days and weeks and new months.
our revered poet fabre d'eglantine has named them.
fabre degglantine was to be guillotined, year 2 ger now.
his sublime idea is that the republican calendar shall return the french nation to nature, or more precisely to agriculture. the images are to reflect the life of the french countryside.
so we shall have a peasant hiding his wheat and a hungry son culotte chasing him with a pike.
something a little more edifying, i think, citizen caro.
they design a new calendar. they move away from the old months, from the old idea of the week centered around sunday. they move the beginning of the year to the autumnal equinox, which is when the republic was declared in 1792. they reinvent new months, which are structured around natural phenomena of the seasons, of the weather conditions, of the harvest, things like that.
fructidor, the month of fruit. ventose, the month of wind. germinal. the month of seeds.
is that germinal.
no, no, that is niveaus, the month of snows.
should she not be better dressed if she's going to be out in the snow? in marseille. a month of snows.
robespierre tells me he has never seen the sea. he knows it to be blue. in marseille they may never have seen snow. yes. yes.
when do we start?
we've already started. the republican calendar has been backdated to september 22nd, 1792. so we have already lived through year one. we are mastering this more quickly than i thought. yes, citizen, this is year two, or to be precise...
v der me. fourth day. year two of the french republic.
four days later, on october 9th, 18th vendomire. the new calendar had its first significant date. on that day, lyon. a republican city but not a jacobin one surrendered to the government army after a three-week siege. georges couthon was sent by the committee of public safety to root out those who had opposed jacobin rule. i will teach the people of lyon the alphabet, he threatened. but in practice, he was lenient. blaming the unrest in the city not on subversion but on its peculiar climate.
it takes on almost a racial quality. coutin himself remarks that there's something in the air that of the fog that comes off the river seems to addle the brains of the lyonnais.
i know, leo. the f are no worse from paris. it's ridiculous there. kufon is just making excuses and he's too slow. kings punish slowly because they are weak and they are cruel. republics are swift and exacting. i agree. we are making too many laws and too few examples. and we are punishing only obvious crimes. the way to frighten waverers is to come down hard on small offenses. george is too kind. he wants the palm, but not the dust. i would evacuate the whole city. those who cannot be saved should be killed quickly. those who can. should be spread out through france where they can acquire a republican education through watching others. you are too philosophical to let the idea escape you. we can be humane after final. trip.
he basically pronounces the death sentence of lyon for the crime of having defied the paris, defied the republic, having made war on liberty, as the words of the official decree go. and lyon will be eradicated. the column that they go forward to erect says, lyon make war on liberty, lyon is no more.
it now fell to couton to fulfil the committee's wish. and to begin the process of demolishing the entire city.
not long after the fall of leon. kuto holds a ceremony to begin the process of punishing the city. he's carried ceremoniously by sansulotte to the place belcourt, which is the swish neighborhood of lyon. they knocked down over a thousand houses, many of which are sort of very large grand townhouses that have been built up in the previous decades.
back in paris, saint-just gave the terror a further unexpected twist. all french citizens who heard his speech knew that new levels of republican enthusiasm were now being demanded.
it would be good to rule by the laws of peace and natural justice. these laws are good among the friends of liberty. but between the people and its enemies there is nothing in common but the sword. we must govern by i and those who will not be governed by justice.
it's very classical, it's very republican, it's very roman, it's very spartan. and those are the models that he's thinking of when he says these kind of things. to be a warrior is more or less the same thing. and you can be a warrior under arms or you can be a warrior in the economy. but if you're not being a warrior, in some sense, you're not really being a citizen. and that does effectively, you know, in the ancient greek world, as in the 18th century, make you an enemy of the state.
you must punish not only the traitors, but also those who are neutral. you have to punish whoever is passive in the republic and does nothing for it. for since the french people has declared its will, everyone who is opposed to it is outside the sovereign body. and everyone. who is outside the sovereign body. is an enemy. yeah
what a horrible speech. what an imbecic illogic. depraved thing to say. enforcement of truth is no business of the state. you can persuade all you like and you can deplore the failure to hate your enemies but you can absolutely deplore but you can
and never, ever, ever make it a crime. this may sound totalitarian, but i think there is a moment of truth in it. to say i want to stay out is violently to take sides. i will give you a shocking comparison. you know that mahatma gandhi, an anti-jacobin if there ever is one, says in some of his writings the same thing. the lesson is, in a really tough situation of choice, there is no neutral position. you have to take sides. not taking sides is already taking sides.
but ceausescu before... 89. he was a schoolboy. he's irreproachable. he'd never had to compromise because he'd never encountered the compromises that real life demands. and i think when you look at san in particular, you see someone who's stuck in adolescent posturing. he's the classic rebellious teenager who's not that long out of his teenage years. and he is playing out his own psychological battles but suddenly he's playing this game with the lives of thousands of people. the revolution is allowing him to play it out on a mass scale.
purge
army again. someone couldn't bear to part with their glorious past.
of course, i don't think they could see him like that. it's hard for us to realize. what people at the time found so impressive about him. we think, why didn't they just call his bluff? and say, sit down, child.
ah, purge, purge! whose turn is it this week to be general? give this fellow a go. he's an honest man, good to his friends, a sincere republican. he has all the credentials to captain the army.
can you? make it to belgium by tonight,.
oh just get out, get out. go on, get out now!
there's a very clear sense in which they blame officers for their troops' shortcomings. and by late 1793, they have, i think, a couple of dozen general officers in prison, most of whom will be executed by the end of the year. they have a very clear policy of running the upper echelons of the army by fear.
hush.
sure.
it's in the pay of the english. last week we praised houchard. the committee praised him.
last week we did not possess the full facts.
the victor of hondschoote, one of our own, and what this week we throw him to the mob.
hondschoote was not a victory. although it appeared so at the time.
anything that smells of less than perfect military success has got to be a form of betrayal. and houchard actually wanted the other side to win. this is pure hitler, basically. and general houchard was, of course, someone who was monstrously awful to robespierre because he was actually a working class person. he was sort of sans-culotte general.
houchard? his military victory now reclassified as a defeat. was instantly relieved of his command. and within a week. his bewildered head was under the blade of a guillotine.
robespierre had always been ambivalent. on the subject of violence. and he would say, to his opponents, show me where i have ever acted outside the law. and yet... right from the beginning. right from the bastille days. he had spoken of the necessity of revolutionary violence. those early lynch mobs he had justified. as perpetrating a form of revolutionary justice.
what i was shocked at when i read at least some of robespierre's writing was his ruthless honesty. how, for example, he openly says, i am well aware that if you look at the immediate, i paraphrase him now, of course, the immediate reality of what we are doing, we are killing people, we are doing monstrosities and so on. and he said, the only thing that justifies it is the idea of equality, revolutionary ideal, virtue. and so on and so on. he had no illusions here.
what sure judgment can one make of the effects which follow these great commotions? who can mark after the event? the exact point at which the waves of popular insurrection should break. to make those who revolt criminally responsible would be to punish them for their devotion. at that price. what people could ever shake off the yoke of despotism?
this, the revolutionary dilemma. the calculated act of violence to speed human history on its way. for robespierre, it was simple. do you want, he asked, a revolution without a revolution?
yes, you want the american revolution. that's a revolution with a revolution, but doesn't become a tyranny. it's as simple as that. there's nothing unrevolutionary about the american revolution.
isn't this, i claim, the same logic, the fundamental feature of our late capitalist society? we want what? we want a product, an object, without paying the harsh price for it. we want beer without alcohol. we want chocolate without sugar. we want coffee without caffeine. we want the thing without the harsh element. and even in politics, what was, you remember, the colin powell doctrine? war, but with all this shock and wave bombing without any casualties on our side. war without war. i can't believe
people believe people would want to ever defend that position. my favourite quote is saint-just's saying, the republic consists in the extermination of all who oppose it. in other words, the point of the revolution is slaughtering anyone who might disagree with the government at that moment in time. that is what robespierre and saint-just are all about. they're excited by the possibility of a great and general bloodletting out of which the new perfect man may come.
what followed in the winter of 1793 was one of the major purges of the terror. characteristically packaged by robespierre in a wrapping of intense self-congratulation.
citizen people's representatives. you have before your eyes europe's record. and your own. already already you can form a conclusion from it that the universe has an interest in our conservation. which of us does not feel his faculties enlarged? which of us does not feel himself raised above humanity itself on reflecting that we are not just for one people, but for the universe? for the men alive today, but for those who will exist. in the world we are creating, all people will become a single people of brothers. and you would have as many friends as there are men on earth. but... it is time to teach the imbeciles who are unaware of it. and the perverts who pretend to doubt it, that the french republic exists. you can feel legitimate pride. congratulate yourselves. on having annihilated royalty and punished kings overthrown the idols on whom the world grovelled but above all else, of running the blade of the law. against the criminal heads. that rose among you.
that's one of the psychological crunch points which drives the terror onwards is the sense that they're being stopped from doing something wonderful, something good for everybody, by this persistent opposition, by all these enemies that continuously emerge from the woodwork. they could be doing so much, they could be creating a reign of virtue, they could be making heaven on earth. that does drive them closer and closer towards the idea that really the only solution is a total extermination of their enemies, wherever they may be found.
in a permanent emergency the constitution suspended until the peace that might never come might come in our son's time in our grandson's, who cares it's more fun and clearer and more.
invigorating to do the killing than it is to have philosophical debates about whether it's right to do so. too.
brissot. the thinking rat! brissot. chabot. dufriche-valazé. d'orléans. roland. vergniaud. condorcet. isnard. bailly. clavière. barbaroux. buzot. pétion. rabaut de saint-etienne. zinoviev. bukharin. kamenev. radek. rykov. rakovsky.
the execution of the briso faction led one deputy to call the convention the most dangerous place in france. but he was wrong. leon had a better claim to that. kon had left now and colot was there. to finish the job of purifying the city.
that's.
i!
he has to make carthage in some ways of lyonon. he has to go in there with a sense of destruction. so extreme. almost without historical precedent. that will make such an impact on the rest of france that no one will dare do what lyon has done.
citizen robespierre. abs. those fears for the suffering fatherland which determined me to come here at your suggestion were not misplaced. we have created two new tribunals to judge the tr. as you say. it is necessary that leon shall no longer exist.
you could be executed for very, very little, essentially. what was crucial was numbers rather than guilt or innocence in that sort of situation.
i cannot wait for the conspirators to be liquidated. the impatience of the sovereign people. thrills through my fibers. and heart. take care of your health, my friend. is precious to republicans.
they do a horrible thing later in the autumn when they don't think things are going fast enough. they think they can do better if they use artillery and they literally chain dozens of people together and herd them out and fire cannon at them.
but it didn't work very well and so they had to be finished off by soldiers with bayonets. and after a while the soldiers revolted. they wouldn't kill people in that way. it was just too horrible. so they had to revert to the normal methods.
2,000 people were massacred in lyonons. republicans. but of the wrong type. in paris, the idealists on the committee of public safety now had to come to terms with what happens when sadists are given a license to run free.
so many great villains bit the dust today. in the area of broteau. what majesty! what a cement for the republic.
can a nation only regenerate itself?
in a blood a. do you want? i. we count. the dead. who hate liberty. we record their names. show me the names of the men and women who die of poverty under tyrants. tell me the names of the thousands who die in humiliating postures on their battlefield.
and what is the present generation compared with the eons to come? cement for the republic.
h. home. you are not happy with this.
hault was expelled from the committee by the end of the month. and condemned as an aristocrat. he would go to the guillotine. in germinal.
you had some revolutionaries who claimed i can tell a counter revolutionary just by looking at him and i think that people feared that robespierre could see into their hearts.
it's frightening, but wait a minute, these are frightening things. again, now, sorry, don't take it too personally, but the one who says frightening wants a revolution without a revolution. oh my god, now i would like to... no, it's a bad joke, but you know, if we were in france, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, just a little bit.
what is our aim? it is the use of the constitution for the benefit of the people.
who was likely to oppose?
. the rich
and the corrupt.
the rich and the corrupt.
what method will they employ? slander and
dem. slander. and hypocrisy.
one of the factors that will encourage the use the ignorance of the sansulotte. the people, therefore, must be instructed. what are the obstacles to that enlightenment?
debate. journalists who mislead the people every day by shameless distortions. the paid journalists who the people
shameless distortions.
what conclusion follows? that we ought to prescribe these writers. as the most dangerous enemies of the country and to circulate an abundance of good literature what other obstacle is there to their instruction? their're destitution. deststitution. when then will the people be educated? when i have enough bread to eat. when the rich and the government stopped bribing treacherous pens and tongues to deceive them. and instead, identify their own interests with those of the people. when will this be? never. never.
never.
never.
it's interesting that that's a private document. it's not something he published. he didn't stand up in front of the convention and say when will that time come? never. and... and quite possibly if he had, he would have been accused of counter-revolutionary activity in his own right.
all authentic revolutionaries were always deeply. suspicious about the final result so this never. of. robespierre, he was well aware that the struggle goes on. forever so that it's almost a kind of an oriental wisdom that the only satisfaction that we can get is the satisfaction of the struggle itself.
i think it's the expression. of the pessimism. that has been with him. since before the revolution started. a terrifying feeling that he carries inside. that the whole enterprise is doomed and their efforts will be ploughed under i'm forgotten. as revolutions have been. ever since the beginning of the world.
there is a paradox for those who believe the terror was a byproduct of war. towards the end of 1793, the french armies were winning, both in the south, where the british were kicked out of toulon, and north. where the austrians were expelled from french soil. and yet the violence of the state was becoming more intense than ever. much of it was now directed towards de-christianization. the forcible eviction of religious belief from french life by state-sponsored armed gangs.
they would dress farmyard animals up in clerical vestments, they would make priests ride backwards on a donkey through the streets. they would dress up themselves in clerical vestments and then get drunk and smash up churches. and it's grievously insulting in the end even to someone like robespierre, who doesn't believe in the structures of catholicism. but believes that out and out atheism is immoral.
one of the most enthusiastic decristianizers was collot d'herbois. at the end of 1793, he left lyon and raced back to paris to defend himself against robespierre.
robespierre was trying to crack down on this and colllo felt very threatened by that. he was afraid that robespierre had him on the list of people to be arrested.
you've gone soft, ro here. didn't they like priests? i like the priests no more than you do. but i don't ever remember advising jacobins to line them up in public and force them to piss into the communion cup. thank. oh, you should leave paris and see more of france. the crowd was cheering. you're persuasive. by that, are you? all you're doing is making hypocrites. that's funny, robespierre. i had the strong feeling my men were making revolutionaries. remind me again... where i said that revolutionaries must be atheists. phew. you.
everyone likes to win. it was just robespierre's way of winning was something that people didn't understand. and the question becomes actually, who can speak for patriotism? who is the perfect patriot? who is in possession of the knowledge of what it means to be revolutionary.
at the start of 1794, robespierre took a gigantic step to claiming that knowledge. in a speech to the convention he laid bare both his love of humanity. and his readiness to kill for it.
weaknesses. vices. prejudice. these... pave the high road to monarchy. we want to substitute in our country morality. for egotism. probity for a mere sense of honour principle for habit. the empire of reason for the tyranny of custom the charm of happiness. for the tedium of pleasure. the grandeur. of humanity. but the triviality of grand society. we want... in a word, to fulfill nature's desires. to fulfil the destiny of humanity. and complete the promises of philosophy
the temptation to want to recreate the human species in some more morally refined version goes all the way back to rousseau and the sense in which really power is a form of moral schooling. robespierre was extremely keen on that. and i think there's nothing wrong with that, providing you may sitting in a classroom voluntarily. really. but robespierre held it, like as did mao tse-tung in the cultural revolution and the komsomol, all dictators who've attempted to kind of die stamp. the heterogeneity of regular human beings with what they take to be the optimum set of moral values.
if the mainspring of popular government in peacetime is virtue amid revolution! it is virtue and terror. virtue without which terror is cruel. terror. without which virtue is impotent. terror is nothing but prompt. severe, inflexible justice. is therefore emanation of virtue.
literally, terror is an emanation of virtue. that is to say, in a radical situation of injustice, the only actual proof of love is to accept to fight, to accept the struggle. that's for me the lesson of it, and it's simply true. we shouldn't be afraid of it. jesus christ says precisely the same thing when he at the same time says love, turn the left cheek and all that stuff. and then he says, you remember, if you don't hate your mother, your father, you are not my follower. when he says, i bring sword, war, destruction, i don't bring peace and so on and so on. it's as simple as that. this is the radical emancipatory logic which one should accept.
the blade began dropping with tedious regularity after robespierre's speech on virtue. but in the spring of 1794, a campaign for clemency and political amnesty was launched to reflect france's. improved military situation. the man leading the campaign was the jacobin journalist camille desmoulins. hero of the storming of the bastille and an intimate of robespierre's.
they've been friends since their childhood. they'd been at school together. if there was anyone who had worked his way through the chinks of robespierre's armor, it was comm de. robespierre was godfather to his son. and... come. was out of control. he was a loose cannon. you didn't know what he was going to say next.
camille had started a newspaper. the old cordelier. robespierre had read proofs of the first two editions. but number three was different.
did not wish to wake you.
i was not a.
sleep.
the incendiary paper was bought to robespierre when he was ill.
you will not know what your friend has done. camille has done something very stupid. maxine. camille has done something. very stupid, yes. he's grown a little fond of tacitus.
camille said, this week i'm simply going to give you a classical translation. i'm going to present to you. passages from the reign of tiberius. painting a picture. of ancient rome in the days of oppression and terror.
once words have become crimes against the state. from there it was only one step to turn into crime's mere looks. sadness, compassion, sizes, even silence. mus was guilty of counter-revolution for having written a tragedy in which a certain verse was capable of two interpretations. the mother of the consul fusius was guilty of counter-revolution for having wept over the death of her son. people feared their very fear would make them guilty. please tell me you're not enjoying this.
hey, it's only a translation. i'm not engaging in political controversy. but of course everyone knew exactly where it was aimed.
everything made the tyrant suspicious. in a word, during these reigns if a famous man died in his bed, it was a talked about event.
he's being told. you have become. all you despised, you have become a dictator, you have become like the bloodiest of roman emperors.
he enjoys your protection, maxim he.
l.
he is encouraged by danton.
danton. the inspirational georges danton. a revolutionary a jacobin. a man also with blood on his hands. danton had been an early member of the committee of public safety. but now he was defining himself against it. and calling for an end to the terror.
at that point, in the spring of 1794, those who were not with them were against them, and so it was a matter of kill or be killed. so once they decide to move against someone like danton, the material evidence is not the issue. the point is that he had challenged the power of the committees, he had to go. the evidence actually brought against him is thin in the extreme and a lot of it comes from personal notes about him made by robespierre about his demeanour.
he made himself ridiculous by crying at the tribune. it's a sybarite. called public opinion a harlot.
as a poor attitude to virtue. robespierre hated danton for carrying with him the kind of sweat and smell, the kind of odor of a lived life, really, which robespierre was very careful never to do.
one of the jokes that danton apparently made was the only thing he knew about virtue was that he made love to his wife every night. that was the only virtue he knew. robespierre did not like jokes about virtue. to him, this was in itself suspect.
he told robespierre that uprightness was what he showed his wife at night. he was a friend of the traitor dumouriez.
that.
encourage brisa. all friends of dumouriez, he took money from the english. what danton will think tomorrow is set for him today. by the secret committees of prussia. england, austria. talks incessantly of love of fatherland. but he has an outp in his mind that represents the past. he cannot see over it. he has not matched the st of the revolution. how can a man who's known every kind of immorality be a champion of freedom? i'm worried.
to be asking me, citizen. why are we still talking about this if he's guilty, if he threatens the republic, arrest him.
let him first hear these charges in the convention. i intend to read them to his face. well. would be. stupid.
the trial of danton, camille and their followers was a show trial. and like all show trials, it could only have one outcome. a guilty verdict followed by an execution. famously, robespierre's windows on saint-honoré remained shuttered that day.
nobody could believe that danton hadn't done his best for the revolution. he had been as closely identified with the revolution as robespierre had been, and that was the problem. this was the first time that robespierre was sending to the guillotine. a close revolutionary colleague and friend.
where was robespierre now? he'd lost his early revolutionary self. his radical cell. but after camille's death. he lost his childhood self. as well who was there now who knew how robespierre had been in those days
camille was buried under quicklime. expunged from the revolutionary script. and the terror took another sickening twist. the month of prairial 1794. the past month. forgiveness is barbarity, robespierre was now saying. tolerance is atrocity. at the end of the month, he called the committee together to prove it.
i think you will find that this is the document in order as discussed. george.
the law of 22nd prarial introduced the thought crime to european history. state prosecutors were encouraged to decipher people's faces and read their minds for signs of dissent. juries were instructed to convict on instinct. the right to defense. was removed.
all in favour, say aye.
virtue needed no defense.
aye. hi. aye. a. i.
the idea that's animating robespierre, saint-just, couton, really is that they can't trust anyone. by may of 1794, you do have to start thinking in terms of terms like paranoia. they lose any kind of critical focus. they are executing people in batches after the barest sketch of a trial on evidence from informers within the prisons who are basically venal or making things things up to keep themselves alive, to earn small amounts of money.
the accusations flooded in to meet the new demand. and the police files grew into an enormous bureaucracy service by spies. the result was robespierre's own police bureau. where he and his staff ploughed through the endless denunciations to discover what was happening in france.
for.
but like any system relying on denunciation. the more evidence it generated, the less it reflected reality. and the more it reflected ruined or terminated lives.
what he feared. it was the clandestine, the plot, the secret list. the underhand agenda the conspiracy. are the actors in the great revolutionary drama are they in fact wearing masks? the revolution talks a lot about masks and veils and pulling aside the masks and what horrible thing. you might find if you dared. to pull aside the mask. would he find himself standing on a desolate plain? as the only perfect revolutionary left alive.
in june, this corrupt thought that robespierre was the revolution began to acquire wings. the occasion was the festival of the supreme being. a mass rally organised in paris to pay homage to the divine hand which was said to be guiding the revolution.
it's essentially his idea.
thank.
and the whole festival is staged on pentecost, staged on the day of a great traditional religious festival, but replaced with a celebration of this supreme being, but what is seen by many at the time as really a celebration of robespierre.
that has be grave. and discreet in our deliberations. as men who determined the course of the world. let us be ardent. and stubborn in our wrath. against the confederated tyrants. let us crush. the wicked! line of kings more so by the greatness of our character. than by force of arms. behold! liberty!
many observers remark on how much he's enjoying himself. he seems to be soaking in this artificial atmosphere of religious devotion they've created.
we'll never know how many people really believed in the cult of the supreme being because again, as in soviet russia or communist china, people are kind of dragooned. you know, you can always round up enough adorable 11-year-old girls and drape them in white and shove a wheatheaf in their hand. it's more than literally your life's worth not to seem keen on this sort of public veneration.
is clearly having a wonderful time, while various sceptical deputies are remarking that he's turning himself into gold.
therefore the grace of god goes god.
it's one of the moments when a backlash starts amongst the political establishment itself against his leading role, that he is starting to go too far.
the opposition swelled again when robespierre's police arrested officers close to lazar carnot.
of course, we always. get the wrong man. conscience. conscience. divine instinct. immortal voice from heaven. infallible judge of good and evil, making man like to god. rousseau. man's duty, man's right to follow his conscience. plural of conscience. is conspiracy. you see a bunch of heads in a basket and you see a conspiracy. see how intimate they are, how furtive they look. how do you know a denunciation is true? and what do you think all this is? we see a man strapped to a board with a blade above his head and we say, there is evidence. he must be guilty or he wouldn't be there of what would you have us do colonel hmm. we are nearly there. fall back into bad habits and imperil the republic again. he who undertakes. to create a people must see himself involved, so to speak in changing human nature so to speak. your, we could argue about rousseau all day, maxime, and still not agree. argued with himself for a lifetime. of course we don't have that luxury. precisely. innocence never fears public scrutiny, ko. he who trembles at this moment is guilty.
he takes fear to be an index of evil deeds. and... the... innocent man should be unabashed. in the face. of accusation. and yet he must have known that. it is very easy. to induce panic and shame. in people.
there is a moment of truth when robespierre brings, i think, on stage a black book and then says, i have here a list of traitors, no? and then turns up and says, if, i paraphrase him, if any of you now feels fear that his name, is afraid that his name is in my book, this already is a proof that he is a traitor. i claim there is a deep truth in it.
that the innocent person really can never be afraid of monsters and secret policemen who can kind of torture them and you know, actually extract lies out of them and then execute them without any right to defense. why the hell would you not be afraid? long live trembling.
thermidor. the month of robespierre's demise. for three whole weeks, he'd failed to attend the committee of public safety. leaving his enemies space to doubt. and time to rally. his speeches had also become more personal, more apocalyptic.
he said in his speech to the convention, what objection can be made? to a man who wishes to speak the truth. and is prepared to die for it. and in the end, that to him was the guarantee of his own probity.
he said that a true revolutionary should accept that if necessary he will perish himself in the process. and then he says openly, i in advance accepted that i may die in the process. it's something very beautiful that he says that. he's not saying i am pure. he's saying maybe the process will swallow me. you know this usual motto, revolution eats its own children. robespierre was ready to accept this.
i will be eating
take the true heroism.
do you remember the sugar riots? so changer over a paltry thing. paris was short of food maxime. but sugarloafs? the people rise up against the grosscers, but they keep the conspirators in place. are they good enough? well, the stones are cut for freedom. you can build a palace from those stones. or a term. i am so tired. we must force the people to be free.
strategically, robespierre made some very obvious mistakes. he hinted that he was about to issue another of these lists of the proscribed, but then he didn't do it. and somebody challenged him and said, name names.
suicidally, he fails to name exactly who he has in mind, but he's made it clear that no one is safe. we have a number of people who are members of the assembly and they write that evening to their friends in the provinces, things like, tomorrow either i'll be dead or robespierre will be dead.
on the morning of the 27th of july, 9 thermidor. robespierre and saint-just came to the tribune for the last time.
everyone then knows that things are going to get ugly and they assume that saint-just and robespierre will stand together. they assume there will be some sort of coup d'etat.
the course of events indicates that this rostrum. maybe the tarpeian rock for the man.
he hardly gets a word out, he's shouted down and he just goes completely quiet. and i think he is absolutely stunned. i just don't think there's any way that he... knows what's going on or knows what's the right way to react.
robespierre thinks he is going to be able to stand up in front of the convention and explain what he has done for the revolution. and that members of the convention will be swayed.
listen to me!
listen to me!
he kept attempting to deliver this very elaborate speech that he had prepared. and people would speak over him or boo him and in one case somebody shouting
the blood of danton chokes him.
it's the blood of danton that chokes you.
i would love to have been there. dictators like mao and stalin die annoyingly in their beds, not confronted with the sudden disintegration of their charisma. it was an amazing moment actually. suddenly what seemed to be insurmountable. happens happens like that. people suddenly have the kind of aura of invincibility stripped from them.
robespierre and saint-just, along with couthon, were arrested by the convention. but when soldiers faithful to robespierre. engineered their release, the three men found themselves faced with a profound decision. should they launch a coup d'etat? and if so, under whose name?
by escaping from arrest, as they had done, they have put themselves outside the law. they've made themselves illegal. and therefore, in his own mind, they have no base. and i think he's paralysed by that.
what's wrong?
but under whose name? he is completely ineffectual. it's the most ineffectual day in his life probably. and they say, well, who should it be in the name of? should it be in the name of? convention. the french people. he hasn't got a clue.
v. ag agreed at the national convention. speed. for the convention. much.
convention has ceased to represent the people. i think we sign in the name of the people.
do you think we should sign in the name of the people?
eventually they decide to appeal to the armies in the name of the people itself. they have completely identified themselves with the popular will, with the general will, but they are just a small group of men trapped in a room in the city hall.
hey what? well soldiers! you rest!
speech had always been his weapon. and... his jaw was shot away. he could no longer utter a coherent word. we come to the end of speech and the end of being listened to. i think he must have cut such a pathetic and helpless figure at that stage. that even his enemies may have been moved by his plight.
oh, you can feel sorry for anybody who's about to die. you know can feel sorry for joseph stalin expiring of a stroke on his sofa and people being too afraid to go near him. but your ability to feel sorry for them is what makes you different from them.
would do so. he's outlived his mouth.
the schism in the modern world is between those who feel that their version of truth demands that it be enforced and those who feel that the only right you have is to make your case to people who then are left alone. to agree or not agree. our job is to make sure that we can disagree without the obligation to exterminate people who don't happen to agree with us.
the great liberal ideas of the french revolution so rovived robespierre's life. but the fundamentalist idea that eternal truths can justify murder. survived his death too. the pursuit of virtue through terror. has never gone away. ah!